Physical abuse is any intentional act causing injury or trauma to another person or animal by way of bodily contact. In most cases, children are the victims of physical abuse, but adults can also be victims, as in cases of domestic violence or workplace aggression. Alternative terms sometimes used include physical assault or physical violence, and may also include sexual abuse. Physical abuse may involve more than one abuser, and more than one victim.
Physical abuse means any non-accidental act or behavior causing injury, trauma, or other physical suffering or bodily harm. Abusive acts toward children can often result from parents’ attempts at child discipline through excessive corporal punishment.
A number of causes of physical abuse against children have been identified, the most common of which, according to Mash and Wolfe, being:
- many abusive and neglectful parents have had little exposure to positive parental models and supports.
- there is often a greater degree of stress in the family environment.
- information-processing disturbances may cause maltreating parents to misperceive or mislabel their child’s behavior, which leads to inappropriate responses.
- there is often a lack of awareness or understanding of developmentally appropriate expectations.
Physically abused children are at risk for later interpersonal problems involving aggressive behavior, and adolescents are at a much greater risk for substance abuse. In addition, symptoms of depression, emotional distress, and suicidal ideation are also common features of people who have been physically abused. Studies have also shown that children with a history of physical abuse may meet DSM-IV-TR criteria for posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD). As many as one-third of children who experience physical abuse are also at risk to become abusive as adults.
Researchers have pointed to other potential psycho-biological effects of child physical abuse on parenting, when abused children become adults. These recent findings may, at least in part, be carried forward by epigenetic changes that impact the regulation of stress physiology. Many other potentially important consequences of childhood physical abuse on adolescent and adult physical and mental health and development have been documented via the Adverse Childhood Experiences (ACE) studies.
Seeking treatment is unlikely for a majority of people that are physically abused, and the ones who are seeking treatment are usually under some form of legal constraint. The prevention and treatment options for physically abused children include: enhancing positive experiences early in the development of the parent-child relationship, as well as changing how parents teach, discipline, and attend to their children.
Evidence-based interventions include cognitive behavioral therapy (CBT) as well as video-feedback interventions and child-parent psychodynamic psychotherapy; all of which specifically target anger patterns and distorted beliefs, and offer training and/or reflection, support, and modelling that focuses on parenting skills and expectations, as well as increasing empathy for the child by supporting the parent’s taking the child’s perspective.
These forms of treatment may include training in social competence and management of daily demands in an effort to decrease parental stress, which is a known risk factor for physical abuse. Although these treatment and prevention strategies are to help children and parents of children who have been abused, some of these methods can also be applied to adults who have physically abused.
Physical abuse has been described among Adélie penguins in Antarctica.
Religious abuse is abuse administered under the guise of religion, including harassment or humiliation, which may result in psychological trauma. Religious abuse may also include misuse of religion for selfish, secular, or ideological ends such as the abuse of a clerical position.
One specific meaning of the term religious abuse refers to psychological manipulation and harm inflicted on a person by using the teachings of their religion. This is perpetrated by members of the same or similar faith, and includes the use of a position of authority within the religion. It is most often directed at children and emotionally vulnerable adults, and motivations behind such abuse vary, but can be either well-intentioned or malicious.
Even well-intentioned religious abuse can have long-term psychological consequences, such as the victim developing phobias or long-term depression. They may have a sense of shame that persists even after they leave the religion. A person can also be manipulated into avoiding a beneficial action (such as a medical treatment) or to engage in a harmful behavior.
In his book Religious Abuse, pastor Keith Wright describes an example of such abuse. When he was a child, his Christian Scientist mother became very ill and eventually was convinced to seek medical treatment at an inpatient facility. Members of her church went to the treatment center to convince her to trust prayer rather than treatment, and to leave. She died shortly thereafter. While the church members may not have had any malicious intent, their use of their religion’s teachings to manipulate Wright’s mother ultimately resulted in her death.
Religiously-based psychological abuse of children can involve using teachings to subjugate children through fear, or indoctrinating the child in the beliefs of their particular religion whilst suppressing other perspectives. Psychologist Jill Mytton describes this as crushing the child’s chance to form a personal morality and belief system; it makes them utterly reliant on their religion and/or parents, and they never learn to reflect critically on information they receive. Similarly, the use of fear and a judgmental environment (such as the concept of Hell) to control the child can be traumatic.
Physical abuse in a religious context often takes the form of beatings, illegal confinement, neglect, near drowning or even murder in the belief that the child is possessed by evil spirits, practising sorcery or witchcraft, or has committed some kind of sin that warrants punishment. Such extreme cases are, though, rare.
In 2012, the United Kingdom’s Department for Children, Schools and Families instituted a new action plan to investigate the issue of faith-based abuse after several high-profile murders, such as that Kristy Bamu. Over a term of 10 years, Scotland Yard conducted 83 investigations into allegations of abuse with faith-based elements and feared there were even more that were unreported.
Religious violence and extremism (also called communal violence) is a term that covers all phenomena where religion is either the subject or object of violent behavior.
Archaeology has uncovered physical evidence of child sacrifice at several locations. Some of the best attested examples are the diverse rites which were part of the religious practices in Mesoamerica and the Inca Empire. Psychologists Alice Miller and Robert Godwin, psychohistorian Lloyd deMause and other advocates of children’s rights have written about pre-Columbian sacrifice within the framework of child abuse.
Plutarch (c.46–120 AD) mentions the Carthaginian’s ritual burning of small children, as do Tertullian, Orosius, Diodorus Siculus and Philo. Livy and Polybius do not. The Hebrew Bible also mentions what appears to be child sacrifice practised at a place called the Tophet (roasting place) by the Canaanites, and by some Israelites.
Children were thrown to the sharks in ancient Hawaii.
Sacrificial victims were often infants. “The slaughtering of newborn babies may be considered a common event in many cultures” including the Eskimo, the Polynesians, the Ancient Egyptians, the Chinese, the Scandinavians, and various indigenous peoples of Africa, the Americas and Australia.
Artificial deformation of the skull predates written history and dates back as far as 45,000 BCE, as evidenced by two Neanderthal skulls found in Shanidar Cave. It was usually started just after birth and continued until the desired shape was achieved. It may have played a key role in Egyptian and Mayan societies.
In China some boys were castrated, with both the penis and scrotum cut. Other ritual actions have been described by anthropologists. Géza Róheim wrote about initiation rituals performed by Australian natives in which adolescent initiates were forced to drink blood. Ritual rape of young virgins have been part of shamanistic practices.
In some tribes rituals of Papua New Guinea, an elder “picks out a sharp stick of cane and sticks it deep inside a boy’s nostrils until he bleeds profusely into the stream of a pool, an act greeted by loud war cries.” Afterwards, when boys are initiated into puberty and manhood, they are expected to perform fellatio on the elders. “Not all initiates will participate in this ceremonial homosexual activity but, about five days later, several will have to perform fellatio several times.”
Ritual (e.g. Satanic) murders are committed in Brazil, the USA, Mexico (Adolfo Constanzo case), Singapore (Toa Payoh ritual murders) and Uganda.
Ritualistic abuse may also involve children accused of, and punished for, being purported witches in some Central African areas. A child may be blamed for the illness of a relative, for example. Other examples include Ghana, where witches were banished to refugee camps, and the beating and isolation of child witches in Angola.
A small number of academics subscribe to the theory of psychohistory and attribute the abusive rituals to the psychopathological projection of the perpetrators, especially the parents.
This psychohistorical model claims that practices of tribal societies sometimes included incest and the sacrifice, mutilation, rape and torture of children, and that such activities were culturally acceptable.
Spiritual abuse includes:
- psychological abuse and emotional abuse.
- physical abuse including physical injury and deprivation of sustenance.
- sexual abuse.
- any act by deeds or words that shame or diminish the dignity of a person.
- intimidation and the requirement to submit to a spiritual authority without any right to dissent.
- unreasonable control of a person’s basic right to exercise freewill in spiritual or natural matters.
- false accusations and repeated criticism by labeling a person as, for example, disobedient, rebellious, lacking faith, demonized, apostate, an enemy of the church or of a deity.
- isolationism, separation, disenfranchisement or estrangement from family and friends outside the group due to cult-religious or spiritual or indigenous beliefs.
- esotericism, hidden agendas and requirements revealed to members only as they successfully advance through various stages of a faith.
- enforced practice of spiritualism, mysticism, and/or other ideaologies peculiar to members of that religion.
- financial exploitation or enslavement of adherents.
The term spiritual abuse was purportedly coined in the late twentieth century to refer to alleged abuse of authority by church leaders, albeit some scholars and historians would dispute that claim, citing prior literary appearances of the term in literature on religion and psychology. Lambert defines spiritual abuse as “a type of psychological predomination that could be rightly termed—religious enslavement.” He further identifies “religious enslavement” as being a product of what is termed in the Bible “witchcraft,” or “sorcery.”
Ronald Enroth in Churches That Abuse identifies five categories:
- Authority and Power: abuse arises when leaders of a group arrogate to themselves power and authority that lacks the dynamics of open accountability and the capacity to question or challenge decisions made by leaders. The shift entails moving from general respect for an office bearer to one where members loyally submit without any right to dissent.
- Manipulation and Control: abusive groups are characterized by social dynamics where fear, guilt or threats are routinely used to produce unquestioning obedience, group conformity or stringent tests of loyalty. The leader-disciple relationship may become one in which the leader’s decisions control and usurp the disciple’s right or capacity to make choices.
- Elitism and Persecution: abusive groups depict themselves as unique and have a strong organizational tendency to be separate from other bodies and institutions. The social dynamism of the group involves being independent or separate, with diminishing possibilities for internal correction or reflection, whilst outside criticism.
- Life-style and Experience: abusive groups foster rigidity in behavior and belief that requires conformity to the group’s ideals.
- Dissent and Discipline: abusive groups tend to suppress any kind of internal challenge to decisions made by leaders.
Agnes and John Lawless argue in The Drift into Deception that there are eight characteristics of spiritual abuse, and some of these clearly overlap with Enroth’s criteria. They list the eight marks of spiritual abuse as comprising:
- charisma and pride.
- anger and intimidation.
- greed and fraud.
- enslaving authoritarian structure.
- demanding loyalty and honor.
- new revelation.
The author of Charismatic Captivation in a post on the book’s website delineates “33 Signs of Spiritual Abuse”, including:
- apotheosis or de facto deification of the leadership.
- absolute authority of the leadership.
- pervasive abuse and misuse of authority in personal dealings with members to coerce submission.
- paranoia, inordinate egotism or narcissism, and insecurity by the leaders.
- abuse and inordinate incidence of “church discipline” particularly in matters not expressly considered to be church discipline issues.
- inordinate attention to maintaining the public image of the ministry and lambasting of all “critics”.
- constant indoctrination with a “group” or “family” mentality that impels members to exalt the corporate “life” and goals of the church-group over their personal goals, callings, objectives or relationships.
- members are psychologically traumatized, terrorized and indoctrinated with numerous fears aimed at creating an over-dependence or co-dependence on their leaders and the corporate group.
- members may be required to obtain the approval (or witness) of their leader(s) for decisions regarding personal matters.
- frequent preaching from the pulpit discouraging leaving the religion or disobeying the leaderships’ dictates.
- members departing without the blessing of the leadership do so under a cloud of suspicion, shame, or slander.
- departing members often suffer from psychological problems and display the symptoms associated with post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD).
Flavil Yeakley’s team of researchers conducted field-tests with members of the Boston Church of Christ using the Myers-Briggs Type Indicator. In The Discipling Dilemma Yeakley reports that the members tested “showed a high level of change in psychological type scores”, with a “clear pattern of convergence in a single type”. The same tests were conducted on five mainline denominations and with six groups that are popularly labeled as cults or manipulative sects. Yeakley’s test results showed that the pattern in the Boston Church “was not found among other churches of Christ or among members of five mainline denominations, but that it was found in studies of six manipulative sects.” The research did not show that the Boston Church was “attracting people with a psychological need for high levels of control”, but Yeakley concluded that “they are producing conformity in psychological type” which he deemed to be “unnatural, unhealthy and dangerous.”
This was not a longitudinal study and relied on asking participants to answer the survey three times; once as they imagined they might answer five years prior, once as their present selves and once as they imagined they might answer after five years of influence in the sect. The author insists that despite this, “any significant changes in the pattern of these perceptions would indicate some kind of group pressure. A high degree of change and a convergence in a single type would be convincing proof that the Boston Church of Christ has some kind of group dynamic operating that tends to produce conformity to the group norm.” However it could instead indicate a desire on the part of the respondents to change in the direction indicated. To determine actual changes in MBTI results would require a longitudinal study, since the methodology here was inherently suggestive of its conclusion. This is also amply borne out in its instructions: “The instructions stated clearly that no one was telling them that their answers ought to change. The instructions said that the purpose of the study was simply to find out if there were any changes and, if so, what those changes might indicate.”